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Editorial: We Were Hijacked
By Mujaddid R. Muhammad, prisoner of the
drug war
While
considering how the judicial system is robbing us of the windfall
brought about by Blakely, I've been doing creative research
into other avenues now open because of this constitutional recognition.
I was reading over "Basics of Blakely v. Washington"
in the winter 2004/2005 edition of Razor Wire, a piece
so on point as to the impact and effect of Blakely. But
the bottom line is, we were simply highjacked. Luckily, though,
there are more ways than one to skin a cat.
"Every defendant has the right to
insist that the prosecutor prove to a jury all facts legally
essential to the punishment. The Framers would not have thought
it too much to demand that, before depriving a man of three or
more years of his liberty, the state should suffer the modest
inconvenience of submitting its accusation to the unanimous suffrage
of twelve of his equals and neighbors." (Blakely
124 S. Ct. at 2543).
Almost all federal and state courts in
the country continue to hold that the Sixth Amendment right reinforced
in Blakely/Booker principles is not retroactively
applicable to persons whose cases became final prior to each
of these decision's announcement. It's now obvious that those
individuals who have already served well beyond the constitutional
sentence they should have received will still find no logic or
relief in the Supreme Court's proclaimed recognition that we
were, pre-Booker and to this day, entitled to Sixth Amendment
protections at sentencing.
In my own case, I was given a 32-year sentence
on conviction in a low-level drug conspiracy for which I've already
served 15 years. However, based upon the findings and rulings
in the Blakely/Booker series, my sentence is nearly
24 years greater than what I should have received.
The crux of the issue is that hundreds
of thousands of prisoners held captive in US state and federal
prisons just like me, men and women, are serving unconstitutionally
imposed sentences, and can't find relief through the judiciary
solely because of when their sentences became final. Conversely,
there are others who faced the same dilemma, except their sentences
were not final and some are going back to court and getting reduced
sentences in increments of 5, 10, 15, 20 years and, for a few,
immediate release! There is definitely something wrong with this
picture, which brings me to my creative argument.
Fortunately, in this country when it comes
to upholding the Constitution of the United States, this responsibility
belongs not only to the judiciary, but the legislative and executive
branch, too. For example, in the American Convention on Human
Rights, signed by the U.S. on June 1, 1977, it provides in Article
9:
"A heavier penalty shall not be imposed
than the one that was applicable at the time the criminal offense
was committed. If subsequent to the commission of the offense
the law provides for the imposition of a lighter punishment,
the guilty person shall benefit therefrom."
Here we have the United States government
as a signatory of a Covenant that speaks explicitly to the meaning
and applicability of Blakely/Booker to individuals
whose constitutional rights were violated at sentencing. What's
more, a 1994 report of the United States to the UN on the implementation
of the Covenant in U.S. domestic law states that "the United
States will implement its obligations under the Covenant by appropriate
legislative, executive and judicial means, federal or state."
I think it's plainly obvious that the Blakely/Booker
ruling is one that "provides for the imposition of a lighter
punishment." If, because of retroactivity doctrines or what
have you, this obligation cannot be fulfilled through the judicial
branch, it seems reasonable that it should automatically fall
to the legislative and/or executive branch. Yet, this must not
be a discretionary act guided by whim and caprice, but as a mandatory
duty and obligation, impelled by the oath of office for one,
but also the mandatory language, i.e., "shall", that
the Covenant uses.
In "Justice For All: Analyzing
Blakely Retroactivity and Ensuring Just Sentences in Pre-Blakely
Convictions, 66 OHIO St. L.J. -- (2005)," David E. Johnson
points out that because the president and members of Congress
swear to defend and uphold the Constitution, they should be troubled
and poised to act when it is known that the Constitution has
not been upheld for hundreds of thousands of prisoners now serving
unconstitutional sentences. This is a must read!
I think what I have outlined regarding
the 1977 Covenant that the U.S. government signed should serve
as guide for what Johnson has suggested in his proposals. What
I'm asking is how can these legal remedies become incorporated
into what's already being done?
It would be an absolute travesty to allow
the impact of Blakely/Booker to just fade into
oblivion, while hundreds of thousands still suffer under the
brunt of overkill sentences that have been subsequently declared
unconstitutional.
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